Sex binary arab zora
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Achcar also credits Syrian Kurds for their gender politics, characterizing them as “the most progressive force to emerge to this day in any of the six countries that were scenes of the 2011 uprising.” He contrasts the Kurds’ strategically organized resistance to the participants in the early Syrian uprising, who failed to develop “an effective organization” and relied too heavily on “an improvised network facilitated by the use of social media.” One does not have to be a Leninist (and I certainly am not) to see this argument’s merit and its resonance far beyond Syria, but it’s a shame that Achcar does not spend more time closely analyzing the Kurds and their role in the region.
Achcar suggests that pure opportunism cannot explain this miscalculation.Aware of the Egyptian left’s relative weakness, Sabbahy initially joined the Muslim Brotherhood’s coalition.Soon disillusioned, he helped mobilize the anti-Morsi movement on the streets.This turn allows Achcar to acknowledge defeats unflinchingly, while not dismissing the revolutions as mere epiphenomena in the march toward dictatorship and fundamentalism. There Achcar attacks not only Russia and Iran for supporting the murderous Assad regime, but also the United States for displaying “deep human indifference to the fate of the population of an oil-poor Arab country.” Having seen in Iraq and Libya that the collapse of centralized states can open the road to jihadism, the United States supports Assad’s ouster while remaining as adamant as Russia that the Syrian state and military be preserved.The restrained nature of US intervention has been denied by some on the global left that see the country’s revolution as being tainted by complicity with US imperialism.In doing so, Achcar takes an unambiguously critical stance not only toward nominally secular MENA dictatorships — many of them military in origin — but also militant Islamist forces.
As he explains, this has resulted in a three-cornered struggle: not a binary confrontation between revolution and counter-revolution, as in most revolutionary upheavals in history, but a triangular conflict between one revolutionary pole and two rival counter-revolutionary camps — the regional and its reactionary antagonists — both equally inimical to the emancipatory aspirations of the “Arab Spring.” The two reactionary camps individually combat emancipatory forces while contending with each other.
Many have tacitly or openly supported Russia, Iran, and Assad on anti-imperialist grounds as a result.
Achcar chides them for their dehumanization of the Syrian people: “When disastrous failures of imperialism happen at the cost of terrible human tragedies, there can be no from a truly humanist anti-imperialist perspective.” Achcar also subtly draws out how the regime has manipulated and tacitly supported jihadist groups to position them as its “preferred enemy,” allowing Assad to rally segments of both the domestic population and outside powers to his side.
Drawing on sources in Arabic, English, and French, Gilbert Achcar’s .
First, he assesses the class and democratic politics — or lack thereof — of the political actors in Syria and Egypt.
In Syria, “the binary clash between the two counter-revolutionary camps” has taken center stage, “relegating the revolutionary pole to the background.” Finally, Achcar argues that the Arab world has embarked on a long-term revolutionary process.